‘The courts should make greater use of section 4 of the Human Rights Act 1998, rather than section 3, as the declaration of incompatibility encourages a dialogue between the courts, the executive and the legislature that preserves the doctrine of Parliamentary sovereignty.’
Critically assess this statement.
Suggested Answer:
The question is concerned with the impact of section 3 Human Rights Act 1998 (HRA) on judicial interpretation of domestic statutes and whether this has somewhat created a salient threat to the intention of Parliament in enacting a statute. On the other hand, declarations of incompatibility under section 4 of HRA, seem to have an only persuasive effect and do not change the existing law in any way; the only pressure being political. The balance between the applicability of the two sections has to be dealt with as too much of judicial activism under section 3 may have an undesirable effect of creating yet another exception to parliamentary sovereignty.
HRA incorporated the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) (except for Art 13) into English law on October 2, 2000, under the mechanisms prescribed in the Act and not across the board. Art 13 would have given a remedy for a violation in any court of tribunal. The Government did not want to give citizens these powers. The Government felt that they could seek remedies in the higher courts, on appeal or in judicial review proceedings.
Section 2 HRA provides that when a court or tribunal is determining a question in connection with a Convention right it ‘must take into account’ judgements, decisions, or declarations of the European Court of Human Rights (EctHR).
Section 3 of HRA states that so far as possible, primary legislation and subordinate legislation must be read and given effect in a way which is compatible with the Convention rights. Where courts cannot interpret a piece of legislation as compatible, then certain courts may make a declaration of incompatibility, under section 4(2) HRA. Only the High Court, Court of Appeal, House of Lords, Privy Council and the Courts Martial-Appeal Court have this power. The declaration of incompatibility does not affect the validity and is not binding on the parties: section 4 HRA, where a court is considering taking the declaration of incompatibility, the Crown (meaning the Government) is entitled to notice and to be joined as a party to the proceedings: section 5 HRA.
Section 10 HRA provides for a fast-track legislative procedure designed to remove the incompatibility. A minister can use a statutory instrument to amend offending primary legislation. The minister is however under no compulsion to do so. When a new Bill is published, section 19 HRA obliges the sponsoring minister to make a written statement that it is compatible or decline to make a statement but indicate that the Government wishes to proceed. One desirable effect of making a positive statement is that it would reduce the declarations of incompatibility though the court still has the final say. On the other hand, if a statement is made in Parliament that the bill is compatible, then this does not oust the jurisdiction of the court under section 3 HRA to interpret it accordingly.
A purposive approach to statutory interpretation under section 3 HRA will enable domestic courts to protect the rights of the citizen against abuse or excess of power by the State. What needs to be explored is the limits to which section 3 HRA can be invoked and when section 4 operates. Another question is whether the court has to consider the application of section 3 before invoking section 4 HRA or whether the application of the sections is independent.
Lord Steyn has stated that HRA preserves the principle of Parliamentary Sovereignty. In a case of incompatibility, which cannot be avoided by interpretation under section 3(1), the courts may not misapply legislation. The court may merely issue a declaration of incompatibility which then gives rise to an executive (followed by legislative) power to take remedial action pursuant to section 10 HRA though not mandatory. This was also the view of Lord Hoffman in Ex parte Simms (says Sovereignty of Parliament is maintained).
Case law developed after the HRA show that under section 3 HRA, the court is to read primary and subordinate legislation in a way compatible with Convention rights, so far as it is possible to do so. This clearly goes well beyond the former use of the Convention to resolve ambiguities in statutes and to avoid the effect of section 3, there must be a clear indication of an intention incompatible with the Convention: R v A (N0.2). In that event, the court has no power to strike down primary legislation but may (at the level of the High Court or above) make a declaration of incompatibility under section 4.
In the landmark HOL case of R v A (2001), the apex court was prepared to interpret and apply its own duty under section 3 of HRA. The House had to construe section 41 of the Youth Justice and Criminal Evidence Act 1999 (YJCEA), restricting evidence and questioning above the victim’s sexual history. The Law lords applied their interpretive duty under section 3 of HRA and gave proper regard to the protection of the complainant but effectively @read into@ the statue protection for the accused under Art 6.
In interpreting section 3 of HRA, he stated that the HRA section 3 obligation went far beyond the rule which enabled the courts to take the Convention into account in resolving any ambiguity in a legislative provision. Parliament placed on a court a duty to strive to find a possible interpretation compatible with Convention rights. It was much more radical than the ordinary method of interpretation which permitted a departure from the language of an Act to avoid absurd consequences. In accordance with the will of Parliament, in enacting the HRA, it would sometimes be necessary to adopt an interpretation which linguistically might appear strained. The techniques to be used would not only involve the reading down of express language in a statute but also the implication of provisions. Interpreting section 4 of HRA, he stated that a declaration of incompatibility was a measure of last resort. Lord Hope was not in agreement with his views and was committed to the principle that section 3 HRA does not change the traditional approaches to statutory interpretation and neither does it radically create any new exception as stated by Lord Steyn.
Thereafter, the same bold approach was adopted by the COA and then the HOL in Ghaidan v Godin-Mendoza(2001) EWCA. In Kay v Lambeth BC, it was held that in interpreting a statute, if a previous precedent in the UK was inconsistent with a Strasbourg precedent, then the courts must adhere to the domestic precedent. In the land law case of Beauline Properties v Palmer (2005), the High Court departed from the earlier COA decision in Buckinghamshire BS v Moran, and the HOL precedent of Pye v Graham, and give a radically different meaning to section 75 of Land Registration Act 1925. It is submitted that this sort of judicial activism is undesirable and the case of Beauline Properties v Palmer may not be flowed in the near future due to contravention with the Kay v Lambeth proposition of law on statutory interpretation after the advent of HRA.
In R(Chester) v SS for Justice and Another (2011), the central the issue was the disenfranchisement of prisoners under section 3 of the Representation of the People Act 1983 (RPA). The COA was urged to exercise judicial activism in invoking section 3 HRA and interpreting section 3 of RPA to confirm with convention rights and the Strasbourg precedents of Hirst v the United Kingdom and Greens and MT v UK (where it was held that the blanket ban on prisoners voting contravened the ECHR).
Law LJ in COA declined to interpret of ‘read down’ section 3 of RPA, so as to incorporate within it a judicial discretion as to the disenfranchisement of prisoners. He stated that this would be to confer a new constitutional power on the judges, and it could not be done under the guise of section 3 of HRA. He was adamant that if the law needed to be changed it would be a legislative act and nothing else. All he could do was to make a declaration of incompatibility. In relation to the government’s failure to introduce legislation on the matter, he stated that the court has no role to sanction government for such failures. Under the HRA, the minister has not the obligation to act on a declaration of incompatibility. The same was stated recently by the Supreme Court in the same case that it need not make any more declaration as the COA has already done it. In response to law decision, the government in November 2010 published the voting eligibility (Prisoners’ Bill 2011) to consider alternatives to amended section 3 of the RPA 1983. This goes to show the government do a response to the declaration of incompatibility on political grounds.
The landmark case where the decision of HOL in making a declaration under section 4 HRA generated much political pressure was the case of A (FC) and others v SS for the Home Department (2004). In this case, the appellants challenged the lawfulness of their indefinite detention under the Anti-Terrorism, Crime and Security Act 2001, an Act passed swiftly after the terrorist destruction of the New York World Trade Centre on September 11, 2001, which enabled the internment without trial of only foreign nationals whom the Home Secretary suspected were terrorist. There were no similar powers over British citizens. Seven Law Lords ruled that indefinite detention without trial was unlawful (in essence incompatible with Convention Rights) because it was a disproportionate interference with liberty (Art 5) and equality (Art 14).
Thereafter the Government were faced with a constitutional crisis. The new Home Secretary declined to release the suspects but announced he would await a decision by Parliament on the legislation, due for its annual renewal in spring 2005. This caused some of the special Government appointed advocates for the detainees to threaten to resign and caused some backbenchers to threaten trouble.
This political pressure led to the Parliament passing the Prevention of Terrorism Act 2005 (PTA) to replace the offending 2001 March 2005 Act, but it was ferociously debated. The Act allowed British and foreign terrorist suspects to be placed under a control order by the Home Secretary. Although this will be reviewed by a judge, it does not satisfy critics that it amounts to detention without trial. Nonetheless, in Re MB (2006), Mr Justice Sullivan rules that control orders, under the PTA breach these Articles 5 and were incompatible. In R (Black) v SS for Justice (2008), the COA granted a declaration of incompatibility in relation to section 35 of the Criminal Justice Act 1991.
The 1998 Act came under attack in May 2006, with the media fanning hostility to it after several cases and incidents. In the High Court, Mr Justice Sullivan supported a division to allow Afghan hijackers to remain in the UK until it was safe for them to return home. He criticised the failure of successive Home Secretaries to allow them to leave as ‘conspicuous unfairness amounting to an abuse of power’. Tony Blair attacked the division as an ‘abuse of common sense’. At that juncture, Tony Blair admitted that he needed to do something about the HRA though he was not clear whether it would be repeal or amendment. His statement, however, never saw the light of day. Firstly, it would have been contrary to the election manifesto which brought the Labour Government into power in 1997. Secondly, he stepped down and paved the way for Gordon Brown who finally passed the mantle of government to David Cameron, the current Prime Minister when the Conservative – Liberal Democrat coalition secured a majority in Parliament after the May 2012 elections.
In conclusion, from the above discussion and from the government point of view, section 4 declarations of incompatibility would encourage some input from the judiciary on the offending legislation and executive and legislature thereafter could take up with appropriate measures if the need so arises. According to Lord Steyn’s dicta in R v A, section 3, on the other hand, has endowed a new power to the judges to exercise greater judicial activism in construing statutes. The undesirable effect of this would be a partial dent on parliamentary sovereignty though judges camouflage their decisions with the statement that hypothetically parliament would not have objected to such a strained meaning on legislation. In practice, the strained meaning given to legislation may in fact run counter to the intention of Parliament when enacting a statute. The Kay v Lambert BC principle of interpretation of statutes is somewhat some comfort to legislators through this principle may not apply for statutes passed after HRA and a case of interpretation of a state coming up for the first time as was seen in the case of R v A.
